Quality of life comparison

compared to

If you lived in Somalia instead of Burundi, you would:

Health

live 4.9 years less

In Burundi, the average life expectancy is 64 years (62 years for men, 66 years for women) as of 2024. In Somalia, that number is 59 years (56 years for men, 62 years for women) as of 2024.

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be 2.9 times more likely to be obese

In Burundi, 5.2% of adults are obese as of 2024. In Somalia, that number is 14.9% of people as of 2024.

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see 48.0% less spent on your healthcare

Burundi spends $100 per person on healthcare as of 2023 (international dollars, adjusted for prices). Somalia spends $52 as of 2023.

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have 34.1% less access to essential health services

Burundi scores 41 out of 100 on the universal health coverage index as of 2021. Somalia scores 27 as of 2021.

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Economy

make 2.8 times more money

Burundi has a GDP per capita of $234 as of 2025, while in Somalia, the GDP per capita is $661 as of 2025.

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be 20.6 times more likely to be unemployed

In Burundi, 0.9% of the labor force is unemployed as of 2025. In Somalia, that number is 18.9% as of 2025.

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Life

have 27.5% more children

In Burundi, there are approximately 33.2 babies per 1,000 people as of 2024. In Somalia, there are 42.4 babies per 1,000 people as of 2024.

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be 43.6% more likely to die during childbirth

In Burundi, approximately 392.0 women die from pregnancy or childbirth per 100,000 live births as of 2023. In Somalia, 563.0 women do as of 2023.

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be 27.6% less likely to be literate

In Burundi, the literacy rate is 74.7% as of 2021. In Somalia, it is 54.1% as of 2022.

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be 2.1 times more likely to die during infancy

In Burundi, approximately 30.5 children (per 1,000 live births) die before they reach the age of one as of 2024. In Somalia, on the other hand, 65.4 children do as of 2024.

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Basic Needs

be 4.3 times more likely to have access to electricity

In Burundi, approximately 12% of people have electricity access (65% in urban areas, and 2% in rural areas) as of 2023. In Somalia, that number is 50% of people on average (79% in urban areas, and 24% in rural areas) as of 2023.

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be 3.2 times more likely to have internet access

In Burundi, approximately 8.6% of the population has internet access as of 2024. In Somalia, about 27.9% do as of 2024.

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be 14.2% more likely to have access to drinking water

In Burundi, approximately 66% of people have access to drinking water (91% in urban areas, and 61% in rural areas) as of 2024. In Somalia, that number is 75% of people on average (84% in urban areas, and 68% in rural areas) as of 2024.

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Expenditures

spend 58.9% less on healthcare

Burundi spends 9.1% of its total GDP on healthcare as of 2023. In Somalia, that number is 3.7% of GDP as of 2023.

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Safety

be 64.2% more likely to die in a road accident

In Burundi, road accidents kill 12.3 people per 100,000 as of 2021. In Somalia, they kill 20.2 per 100,000 as of 2021.

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Infrastructure

find 36.0 times more home broadband

Burundi has 0.0 fixed broadband subscriptions per 100 people as of 2023. Somalia has 0.7 as of 2023.

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live with 2.4 times more strain on fresh water

Burundi withdraws 10% of its available fresh water each year as of 2022. Somalia withdraws 25% as of 2022.

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Environment

emit 28.6% less CO2

Burundi emits 0.1 tonnes of CO2 per person each year as of 2024. Somalia emits 0.1 tonnes as of 2024.

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Sources: World Bank (2022–2025), United Nations SDG Indicators (2021), World Health Organization (2024), The World Factbook (2021). How we calculate this

Compare further: Burundi vs. Somalia

Cost of Living Comparison · 6 categories - 2026 data
Somalia is 41.5% cheaper than Burundi overall
→
Size Comparison · See true size
Burundi is about 23 times smaller than Somalia.
→
Moving from Burundi to Somalia · Cost, visas & climate
Compare cost of living, salary and climate.
→

Somalia: At a glance

Somalia is a sovereign country in Africa, with a total land area of approximately 627,337 sq km. Britain withdrew from British Somaliland in 1960 to allow its protectorate to join with Italian Somaliland and form the new nation of Somalia. In 1969, a coup headed by Mohamed SIAD Barre ushered in an authoritarian socialist rule characterized by the persecution, jailing, and torture of political opponents and dissidents. After the regime's collapse early in 1991, Somalia descended into turmoil, factional fighting, and anarchy. In May 1991, northern clans declared an independent Republic of Somaliland that now includes the administrative regions of Awdal, Woqooyi Galbeed, Togdheer, Sanaag, and Sool. Although not recognized by any government, this entity has maintained a stable existence and continues efforts to establish a constitutional democracy, including holding municipal, parliamentary, and presidential elections. The regions of Bari, Nugaal, and northern Mudug comprise a neighboring semi-autonomous state of Puntland, which has been self-governing since 1998 but does not aim at independence; it has also made strides toward reconstructing a legitimate, representative government but has suffered some civil strife. Puntland disputes its border with Somaliland as it also claims portions of eastern Sool and Sanaag. Beginning in 1993, a two-year UN humanitarian effort (primarily in the south) was able to alleviate famine conditions, but when the UN withdrew in 1995, having suffered significant casualties, order still had not been restored. In 2000, the Somalia National Peace Conference (SNPC) held in Djibouti resulted in the formation of an interim government, known as the Transitional National Government (TNG). When the TNG failed to establish adequate security or governing institutions, the Government of Kenya, under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), led a subsequent peace process that concluded in October 2004 with the election of Abdullahi YUSUF Ahmed as President of a second interim government, known as the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of the Somali Republic. The TFG included a 275-member parliamentary body, known as the Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP). President YUSUF resigned late in 2008 while United Nations-sponsored talks between the TFG and the opposition Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS) were underway in Djibouti. In January 2009, following the creation of a TFG-ARS unity government, Ethiopian military forces, which had entered Somalia in December 2006 to support the TFG in the face of advances by the opposition Islamic Courts Union (ICU), withdrew from the country. The TFP was doubled in size to 550 seats with the addition of 200 ARS and 75 civil society members of parliament. The expanded parliament elected Sheikh SHARIF Sheikh Ahmed, the former ICU and ARS chairman as president in January 2009. The creation of the TFG was based on the Transitional Federal Charter (TFC), which outlined a five-year mandate leading to the establishment of a new Somali constitution and a transition to a representative government following national elections. In 2009, the TFP amended the TFC to extend TFG's mandate until 2011 and in 2011 Somali principals agreed to institute political transition by August 2012. The transition process ended in September 2012 when clan elders replaced the TFP by appointing 275 members to a new parliament who subsequently elected a new president.
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